Abdul-Malik confiscates the role of scholars and Saada cancels the provinces.. Al-Houthi sets himself an imam without allegiance
English - Monday 31 October 2022 الساعة 05:58 pm![](https://newsyemen.life/admin/images/uploads/766e84f21dbf64865a6c4e2f99908ed6.webp)
After the Houthi wars have dropped all Yemeni political and social symbols, between the dead, the detained, the homeless, or the helpless under the establishment of coercive conditions, the Houthi goes to the religious center, trying to appear on all religious occasions with speeches in which he seeks to consolidate his centrality as he personally is the source of all directives in religious and worldly matters.
While the religious position remained in general multiple for competition between scholars in all of ancient and modern Yemeni history except for specific stages, during which the ruler was trying to control religious discourse and control the doctrinal expression, Abdul-Malik al-Houthi conveys the Khomeinist experience, and through his appearance and speeches he presents himself as the only spiritual and temporal authority that possesses the right to rule the Yemenis in the manner it deems appropriate and appropriate, as the supreme authority without conditions.
Al-Houthi’s appearance in a joint meeting via video technology with responsible leaders in Sana’a on October 18, presents an image that suggests that there is a tireless work to draw the features of new changes related to the restructuring of state institutions, and the organization of its affairs in line with the Houthi ideology, and in order to achieve the application of the Iranian model in Sana’a. Considering that “Al-Houthi” is the leader and the first reference in imitation of the person of Khamenei in Tehran, the appearance of the great leaders in this meeting in the image of the recipient subordinate directly responsible to the Houthi, not to the people and the law, represents submission and surrender of desire and part of it fear under the weight of power and control.
The indication of this appearance in this way confirms that all the higher authorities from the office of the presidency and the prime minister and all officials do not have the right to plan and participate in the formulation of the decision, but rather their role is limited to receiving Houthi directives and implementing his plans, in another confirmation of the path of modeling Khamenei's image in Sana'a.
Al-Houthi and his office are alone in preparing, planning, controlling and participating in the implementation of all matters related to economic, social and political life.
In the context of the speech of that meeting to implement what the Houthi group calls the national vision, which represents one of the most important factors separating the north from the rest of the other provinces, al-Houthi talks about many of his great contradictions and constantly reveals his identity that contradicts the collective identity of Yemenis, and exposes his continuous discourses that contradict the concrete reality. Points of inconsistencies in rhetoric are as follows:
- He talks about responsibility and its importance and its close connection with the secretariat, as if it does not correspond to the reality created by him and his group, believing that he will contribute to the service of their sectarian project.
Abdul-Malik al-Houthi does not have a sense of responsibility and does not have the ability to carry the trust, as he is the one who neglected it and gave Yemen a loaf of bread dipped in Yemeni blood as an offering and service to Iran and its expansionist project that stems from purely sectarian principles and addresses.
How does Abdul-Malik al-Houthi talk about trust and responsibility, when he and his group have overthrown the trust that was embodied in the state of the Yemenis, and they desecrated the sanctities of homes, violated honor, blew up schools and mosques, and entered the country with a foreign war.
All of these matters are a realistic picture that reveals the extent of Houthi criminality in the contradictions of his discourse with reality, and reveals that he cannot be trusted or become a man of responsibility, and unequivocally exposes the betrayal that imbued it with absolute loyalty to the Iranian project.
If al-Houthi had an iota of responsibility before God and the people, he would have kept the state’s non-political institutions working to serve the people, manage their interests, and pay their salaries, as he does on the issue of revenues that he continued to rob and multiply on people and in all areas of public service.
If he really felt responsible, he would not have continued the siege of Taiz since 2015, and he would enjoy the suffering of travelers who suffer the trouble of traveling because of the siege.
- In his speech, he goes on to discuss coordination between the authorities in the governorates and the center in Sana’a. Abdul-Malik al-Houthi reveals the great fear of decentralization, since before its fall the state had begun to work on a plan for the transition to centralization in order to facilitate people’s transactions and their participation in governing themselves within the framework of their governorates and districts.
This fear of exercising the powers granted to each governorate is linked to the Houthi policy of tightening the administrative grip and transforming participation in decision-making to centralizing the decision, to ensure the absolute ability to control the diaries of Yemenis, despite all the failures and impotence.
Al-Houthi re-decentralized and the appointment of governorate governors became a personal decision, after he was elected under the presence of the state. This method reveals that the participation of society in its simplest form disturbs and disturbs Al-Houthi, so he intends to devote his influence in all governorates by appointing people who belong to his project and owe allegiance to him, and sometimes he does not trust his followers from the same governorate, so he appoints a governor or an official from another governorate that he trusts, especially Those leaders who hail from Saada are in another form of the hateful racist and centralist Houthi image.
Al-Houthi spoke in his speech about evaluation and its importance in the context of the success of any work or the survival of any official in his position. It does not mean management evaluation, efficiency or achievement, and as it is known to all state employees in the north who live every day the details of their unpaid careers, they know the evaluation is through the extent of commitment to attend and listen to his weekly lectures, and the extent of the employee's interest in showing loyalty and obedience to him.
The most important criterion for evaluation by the Houthi group lies in the voluntary participation of the employee or official in the demonstrations and the extent of his interaction with attending the cultural sessions, and the extent to which he continues to shout in all situations and after each speech to the Houthi, in addition to his loyalty to Iran more than loyalty to Yemen, this is the Houthi definition of the meaning of evaluation, he does not care if the official is corrupt or a thief, the important thing is that he fulfills all the requirements of loyalty to him and the extent to which he applies all the conditions that prove the sincerity of that loyalty.