Read the report of the Committee of Experts 2022
English - Tuesday 01 February 2022 الساعة 08:51 am
NewsYemen, written by/ Abdul Sattar Seif Al-Shamiri:
First: general notes
_ The report is an impressionistic synthesis that lacks the simplest mechanisms of research, monitoring and auditing, as was the previous reports of the committee each year.
It was expected this time that the matter would be different, since this report is the last of the committee, and the farewell report, since the committee had terminated its work in Yemen by voting three months ago due to the confusion and suspicions of corruption and misinformation in its work... as some of its belated reports admitted that .
Therefore, it was expected that this report would be qualitative or distinct and come in the language of recommendations criminalizing militias and recommending their classification as terrorist and describing the real role of Iran as the originator and beneficiary of this war.
But that did not happen, and the report took the nature of generalities and criticized all parties in a way that equates states with legitimacy and a rogue group.
_ The report did not bring anything new than what is known and published in the media of different orientations, and it tried to benefit from all of them and publish all the contentious ideas, even malicious ones.
_ The report completely equated legitimacy with all its components and the Houthi militia and transferred the description of the conflict to an internal conflict only.
_ The report contains riddles, or information on incomplete issues such as Iranian arms smuggling, which made it a question of doubt, like other countries whose arms are purchased by Houthi through complex international networks... and many other puzzles, and issues he said are still subject to follow-up and
verification.
Second: Is there anything new in the report?
Except for referring to the Iranian port of Jask in the arms smuggling operation and the killing of two thousand children who were recruited by the Houthis, although the numbers are greater than that, and referring to the Sultanate of Oman as a smuggling corridor and the presence of international networks for this purpose in Europe and Asia, as well as the issue of counterfeiting currency abroad denominations of 5000 riyals in favor of the Houthis that help it in Covering the liquidity and some trials or investigations in Germany and Europe with some individuals and individuals regarding all of this, the report did not bring anything significant new, and the amount of effort in it does not match the size of the capabilities and spending on it at all.
It is clear that there is complete relaxation on the part of the team and its assistants in preparing and relying on what is published in the press and being satisfied with it and some visits and tours in countries to put effort and movement.
Third: Recommendations confuse papers
The central point of any report is its recommendations. In view of the report's recommendations, it pours out a lot of anger at the legitimacy, the coalition and the transitional in a way that justifies the militias that they are one of the conflicting parties and are not the root of the Yemeni problem.
Describing the Yemeni problem in this way from a UN body of this size seems unfair, as it shuffles the papers and makes premises for an upcoming solution based on the fait accompli, no matter how unfair to the Yemeni people who are standing in line against militias that have confiscated their right to life and stability and undermined the state.
And this phrase "undermined" was used by the Commission in a previous report - and not this report - against the coalition, which it accused of "undermining" and corrupting legitimacy.
This time, and in this report, the matter of undermining fell back to another description, which is the lack of understanding of the Emirati role in Yemen.
The report said in text: "The Emirati role in Yemen is difficult to understand," which is a new riddle and a riddle added to all the previous puzzles we mentioned.
The report did not recommend any sanctions against Iran or the Houthis, at the very least, despite its recounting of the Iranian role, the Houthi mess and corruption, and the scale of the humanitarian catastrophe, which it attributed to all parties.
The report was satisfied with some recommendations that include the humanitarian and economic aspect, some of which are directed to the Houthis and others to the coalition, the legitimacy and the transitional, especially with regard to the Riyadh Agreement, which recommended future sanctions against obstructionists or suggested that this would be done.
Fourth: The positives of the report
There are very few positive aspects of the report, which are some information about crimes, which included human rights violations, child recruitment, smuggling, trafficking in oil derivatives, sexual violence, and the Houthi attempt to impose his ideology by force, among others.
There is also some information about Houthi weapons, their manufacture, and the land and sea smuggling methods that Iran is carrying out for the militias, although it is not something new or absent from the repeated follow-ups.
Fifthly: the report of the bearer of aspects
The report in its entirety is a bearer of aspects in which everyone finds criticism of everyone and part of it can be used to attack the other, thus losing the objectivity and credibility of the committee whose main task is to support the cause of a state and people and to expose the adventurous party and work to characterize it as a terrorist or coup group at the very least.
What increases the assertion is that he carried aspects of the previous reports of the same kind, to the extent that a previous report we wrote about him at the time named “Abdul-Malik al-Houthi” the “leader of the revolution” in a report of the committee in previous years, which is additional evidence that such reports serve the militias and further weaken any options to deal with it militarily or politically.
Finally: the usefulness of the report
A report like this is supposed to be one of the important sources for the United Nations and the Security Council to take any decisions on Yemen. It raises big questions about the committee's work mechanisms, which rely on local sources, often biased, and this is not new.
In the year before last, press reports revealed the scandal of George Khoury, director of the Office of the General Coordinator for Humanitarian Affairs in Yemen, and Rowaida Al-Hajj, director of the executive team of the Committee of Experts in Yemen who are close to Hezbollah, in preparing reports for the Committee of Experts in 2018, in coordination and cooperation with Taher Boujalal, a close associate of Qatari intelligence.
The weakest thing in the report and the point that serves the militias is the report’s review of the Houthi crimes or some of them, and in return the mistakes of the coalition, legitimacy and transitional ones, and turning them into sins and crimes parallel to what the Houthi militias are doing. In this way, he withdraws the rug of legitimacy and the legitimacy of the coalition and the transitional in the defense of the state and the Yemeni people.
In summary, there is no useful recommendation or new information or benefit for the Yemeni issue from this report, and I believe that its path has been paved, as the previous reports, to the trash.. Also, the committee's work has been terminated.
It is true that we need an expert committee and an international investigation, but not in this way. The most important principles of humanitarian work, human rights laws and the United Nations are to preserve the peoples' gains in freedom and decent living, and to investigate and punish those who kill them.
Unless all the work and reports of the United Nations live up to this model, it remains an organization caught in the net of conflicts, international interests and political balances.
